https://hdl.handle.net/10419/252363 Sun, 15 Nov 2026 01:48:56 GMT 2026-11-15T01:48:56Z http://econstor.eu:80/retrieve/6a8b120b-f99a-4537-b923-dc784d38d4b5/SWP_Logo_fuer_Dritte_RGB_en.jpg https://hdl.handle.net/10419/252363 https://hdl.handle.net/10419/336785 Title: A fourth Saudi state: The crown prince's reforms in politics, society and the economy Authors: Steinberg, Guido Abstract: The political, social and economic reforms spearheaded by Saudi Crown Prince Muhammad Bin Salman serve the goal of consolidating his rule in the long term. Bin Salman has centralised decision-making in his own hands and is in full control of the country's politics. Authoritarianism under the crown prince is far more radical and uncompromising than was the case in Saudi Arabia until 2015. From the outset, Bin Salman promoted a pronounced Saudi nationalism, which many observers describe as a "Saudi-first" policy. From the crown prince's point of view, social and cultural liberalisation is a prerequisite for the success of his economic reforms and thus for the long-term survival of the kingdom and the ruling family. The reforms have had only limited success because Saudi Arabia remains highly dependent on oil revenues, despite a recent economic upturn. Thu, 01 Jan 2026 00:00:00 GMT https://hdl.handle.net/10419/336785 2026-01-01T00:00:00Z https://hdl.handle.net/10419/336773 Title: Sovereign wealth funds and foreign policy: How Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar invest in their power Authors: Roll, Stephan Abstract: Five of the world's most active and largest sovereign wealth funds are to be found in the Gulf Region: the Saudi Public Investment Fund (PIF), the Qatar Investment Authority (QIA) and the United Arab Emirates' Abu Dhabi Investment Authority (ADIA), Mubadala and ADQ. These funds not only serve to convert oil revenues into investment capital, thereby enabling the transition from rent-based to more diversified economies; they also contribute to expanding the foreign policy capabilities of the countries in which they are based. Institutional and personnel linkages enable the Saudi, Qatari and UAE governments to deploy their funds strategically, which, in turn, allows them to significantly expand their hard, soft, and sharp power - for example, through domestic and foreign investments in sectors such as armaments, media, sports and new technologies as well as through cooperation with politically influential actors. At the same time, the Gulf monarchies seek to portray their sovereign wealth funds as apolitical and purely profit-oriented - a narrative that is facilitated by the establishment of subsidiaries or cooperation with private equity firms. Understandably, Germany and its European partners have an interest in attracting sovereign wealth funds as investors, but they must not overlook the risks involved. These include third parties gaining access to critical infrastructure, sensitive military and security technology being leaked and the Gulf monarchies exercising political influence. Further, Germany and the EU must take a more fundamental look at how the three Gulf monarchies have increased their foreign policy options through the sovereign wealth funds. This is important as the actions of Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar - at both the regional and international level - are at times contrary to German and European interests. Thu, 01 Jan 2026 00:00:00 GMT https://hdl.handle.net/10419/336773 2026-01-01T00:00:00Z https://hdl.handle.net/10419/336746 Title: Feminist foreign policy in Latin America: Comparing Mexico, Chile and Colombia Authors: Zilla, Claudia; Peschke, Marie Abstract: In Latin America, Mexico (2020), Chile (2022) and Colombia (2022) have all officially committed to a feminist foreign policy (FFP). The introduction of a feminist approach to foreign policy should be seen in the context of a growing awareness of gender issues in international, regional and national politics. In comparison with their European counterparts, the Latin American approaches to FFP exhibit a stronger focus on the domestic dimension, on internal problems. This is especially clear in the case of Mexico, while Chile's FFP emphasises the feminist perspective in foreign trade and Colombia's FFP defines itself as pacifist. These countries' FFPs have not brought about a fundamental political change, but they do inject new momentum into existing gender equality policies and gender mainstreaming. They expand women's participation and representation and enhance the visibility of women's contribution to foreign policy. Mexico, Chile and Colombia are important partners for Germany and the EU in matters concerning the global gender and human rights agenda. As these Latin American countries are intensifying their cooperation in these areas, they are also worthwhile partners for the expansion of trilateral cooperation. As the German Federal Foreign Office has dropped its FFP, while the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) is continuing its feminist development policy and the future of Chile's FFP is uncertain due to the change of power, it will make sense to pursue cooperation on human rights, inclusion and gender issues through variable formats and terminological framing. Germany should also benefit from learning processes, and strengthen bi-regional dialogue and exchange, including between feminist and women's organisations. Thu, 01 Jan 2026 00:00:00 GMT https://hdl.handle.net/10419/336746 2026-01-01T00:00:00Z https://hdl.handle.net/10419/339603 Title: With, without, against Washington: Redefining Europe's relations with the United States Editors: Lippert, Barbara; Mair, Stefan Abstract: The Pax Americana, which guaranteed the security of Germany and Europe after the Second World War, is coming to an end. Europe can no longer rely on its alliance and partnership with the United States. Even before Donald Trump's second presidency, Europe was seeking to reduce its dependency on Washington for peace, democracy and prosperity. This cannot be achieved overnight, and will require a significant increase in material resources and strategic thinking over the next five to ten years. The fourteen contributions to this SWP Research Paper show how different the starting conditions for developing transition strategies are, depending on the policy area and challenges. Europe needs to consider all the options: with, without or even against Washington. The analyses of Europe's agency and the scope for European policy towards Russia, the Middle East and China are very wide-ranging. Trump's logic of quick deal-making and unilateralism under the banner of "MAGA" often collides fundamentally with the EU's multilateral foreign and security policy, which is bound by international law, and its commitment to sustainable peace. The keywords for the urgent reorganisation of security in Europe are: Europeanisation of NATO, strengthening Europe's own military capabilities, new leadership constellations for security policy in Europe, and resilient governance in technology and cybersecurity. Even at this geopolitical turning-point ("Zeitenwende"), the EU should continue to develop its soft power. When it comes to the crucial questions of global governance -from UN and international law to trade, climate and energy policy - Europe must find new partnerships and, if necessary, new institutional solutions without and against the United States. Thu, 01 Jan 2026 00:00:00 GMT https://hdl.handle.net/10419/339603 2026-01-01T00:00:00Z