<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
<feed xmlns="http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/">
  <title>EconStor Collection:</title>
  <link rel="alternate" href="https://hdl.handle.net/10419/148720" />
  <subtitle />
  <id>https://hdl.handle.net/10419/148720</id>
  <updated>2026-04-29T13:43:00Z</updated>
  <dc:date>2026-04-29T13:43:00Z</dc:date>
  <entry>
    <title>The political power of economic elites in contemporary Western democracies</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="https://hdl.handle.net/10419/278141" />
    <author>
      <name>Parmigiani, Alberto</name>
    </author>
    <id>https://hdl.handle.net/10419/278141</id>
    <updated>2023-12-14T02:31:52Z</updated>
    <published>2022-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: The political power of economic elites in contemporary Western democracies
Authors: Parmigiani, Alberto
Abstract: This paper employs a multidisciplinary social sciences approach to analyse the political power of contemporary economic elites in the political sphere of Western democratic countries. Economic elites are defined as the wealthiest members of society characterized by their disproportionate access to or control over economic resources, and their ability to convert them, directly or indirectly, into power or influence. This paper makes use of the classical concepts of structural and instrumental power to explain the sources of their influence in democratic decision-making processes. I claim that a powerful and distinctive trait of elites lies in their high internal cohesion in the steadfast defense of their interests. Connecting different streams of literature, I contrast elites' awareness of their power in the political struggle around inequality and redistribution, interpreted as an element of cohesion, with misperceptions about inequality on the part of average citizens, a common finding in recent research on this issue. Hence, I propose this cognitive divide between average citizens and economic elites as an innovative angle to look at the classical puzzle of high inequality combined with low demand for redistribution. The paper then reviews the political science literature on the ability of the wealthy to obtain their political objectives and influence the democratic legislative process. The income and wealth bias in political representation has been empirically demonstrated in the United States and, preliminarily, in some European countries. The findings show that the preferences of average citizens have little or no effect on the policy changes enacted in many Western mature democracies. The paper carefully surveys the possible explanations proposed for this relevant finding. Finally, I argue that economic elites constitute a cultural hegemony by creating and reinforcing institutions and beliefs that shape or maintain the extremely unequal distribution of political and economic resources. Effectively, the richest part of society has been able to impose its ideas through a long-term agenda-setting approach that entails the formation of networks of cultural organizations to sustain the legitimacy of inequality. Today's highly unequal status quo has been facilitated by this process, together with a series of feedback effects from political decisions that have simultaneously further increased inequality and corroborated public opinion about its inevitability. Policies that have increased inequality from the 1970s onwards have shaped the perception of inequality, creating social acceptability around the idea of individual freedom and delegitimizing government welfare expenditure. This change in public attitudes has enabled the policy space for even greater inequality, in a cyclical mechanism that is very hard to break.</summary>
    <dc:date>2022-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>Business elites' attitudes toward taxation and the state: The case of Chile</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="https://hdl.handle.net/10419/244382" />
    <author>
      <name>Atria, Jorge</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>Durán, Julius</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>Ramírez, Simón</name>
    </author>
    <id>https://hdl.handle.net/10419/244382</id>
    <updated>2023-12-12T02:23:50Z</updated>
    <published>2021-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: Business elites' attitudes toward taxation and the state: The case of Chile
Authors: Atria, Jorge; Durán, Julius; Ramírez, Simón
Abstract: What do the wealthiest groups in society think about tax payment? What is their view of the role of the state? How do these perceptions influence the ways in which the government collects taxes and provides social spending? This paper addresses these questions focusing on the case of Chile. Although Chile is considered one of the countries with highest state capacity in Latin America, its tax policy shares several features with lower-performing countries in the region, such as limited redistribution and a regressive tax structure, showing little ability to tackle economic inequality. Based on extensive analysis of state performance that included a comparison with Uruguay and Portugal as well as 32 in-depth interviews with members of the Chilean economic elite, we show divergences between the quality of government spending and elite perceptions on this issue. Elites' distrust of state action leads to unwillingness to pay taxes, which they see primarily as a cost rather than an instrument to promote solidarity or social cooperation. Taxes are also perceived as too high, though the effective tax rates of high-income taxpayers are on par with that of lower classes. We highlight the need to analyse fiscal performance, taking into account both spending and tax collection-including more opaque indicators such as tax expenditures-and rethink communication strategies to present state performance more clearly</summary>
    <dc:date>2021-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>Creative coalitions in a fractured world: An opportunity for transformative change?</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="https://hdl.handle.net/10419/244373" />
    <author>
      <name>Koehler, Gabriele</name>
    </author>
    <id>https://hdl.handle.net/10419/244373</id>
    <updated>2023-11-13T02:44:46Z</updated>
    <published>2020-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: Creative coalitions in a fractured world: An opportunity for transformative change?
Authors: Koehler, Gabriele
Abstract: As citizens, activists and analysts, we are alarmed by ever-increasing political, social, economic and climate inequalities and intensifying obstacles vis-à-vis the promises of the United Nations' 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Policy retrogression is undermining transformation towards economic, social and climate justice. The growing fractures are ultimately caused by the structures and trends of the reigning economic system, both at the national and global level, a system that can be described as "unfettered capitalism". It is splitting traditional working class and middle-class alliances, and immobilising government decisions in favour of redistribution and social justice: the social contract of democratic welfare statism is under threat. However, one also observes counter-currents of resistance. Hitherto siloed activist communities are coalescing in the form of "creative" coalitions. Anecdotal examples, collected from two countries in the global North, include movements for climate justice, refugee rights, gender justice and general civil rights. The paper discusses their commonalities, strengths and shortcomings, and asks whether these creative coalitions could counter the power of economic interests and retrogressive government policies? It argues that they need to be further analysed, using innovative research approaches. This could help identify the chances of and pathways for transformative change towards a new social contract and an eco-social welfare state.</summary>
    <dc:date>2020-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
  <entry>
    <title>Achieving SDG 10: A global review of public service inclusion strategies for ethnic and religious minorities</title>
    <link rel="alternate" href="https://hdl.handle.net/10419/244374" />
    <author>
      <name>Mir, Ghazala</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>Karlsen, Saffron</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>Mitullah, Winnie V.</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>Bhojani, Upendra</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>Uzochukwu, Benjamin</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>Okeke, Chinyere</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>Mirzoev, Tolib</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>Ebenso, Bassey</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>Dracup, Naila</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>Dymski, Gary Arthur</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>Doan Thi Thuy Duong</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>Bui Thi Thu Ha</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>Ouma, Steve</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>Onibon, Felicia</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>Ogwezi, Joyce</name>
    </author>
    <author>
      <name>Adris, Shahab</name>
    </author>
    <id>https://hdl.handle.net/10419/244374</id>
    <updated>2023-11-24T09:34:40Z</updated>
    <published>2020-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
    <summary type="text">Title: Achieving SDG 10: A global review of public service inclusion strategies for ethnic and religious minorities
Authors: Mir, Ghazala; Karlsen, Saffron; Mitullah, Winnie V.; Bhojani, Upendra; Uzochukwu, Benjamin; Okeke, Chinyere; Mirzoev, Tolib; Ebenso, Bassey; Dracup, Naila; Dymski, Gary Arthur; Doan Thi Thuy Duong; Bui Thi Thu Ha; Ouma, Steve; Onibon, Felicia; Ogwezi, Joyce; Adris, Shahab
Abstract: Social inequalities are intensifying globally and widening divisions are linked to civil unrest. Disadvantaged ethnic and religious groups experience poor access to, representation in and outcomes from public services such as healthcare and education. As mechanisms for social participation and citizenship, public services are key to inclusive and sustainable societies. In this paper we present results of a systematic review on strategies for the inclusion of minority ethnic and religious communities, often neglected populations in term of sustainable development activity. We focus on four public service areas: education, health, local government and police services and identify evidence gaps. Our overall aim is to raise awareness and provoke debate, reflection and subsequently action towards the inclusion of disadvantaged ethnic and religious minorities within public services. Public service inclusion strategies were identified through a global evidence review and four country specific reviews conducted by the Socially Inclusive Cities Network - academics, NGOs, policy - makers and practitioners from India, Kenya, Nigeria, Vietnam and the UK. Published evidence was supplemented by country-based and international workshops involving over 230 relevant stakeholders. We specifically explored intersectional experience relating to gender, age and migration status. 56 publications were identified for the global review, mostly in health and education. Macro (social and political), meso (institutional) and micro (individual) arena were identified as three distinct but interconnected levels through which exclusion is operationalized. Three overarching frameworks appeared key to successful ethnic and religious inclusion initiatives: accounting for social context; multiple strategies for system reform; and collaboration with disadvantaged communities. Inclusion strategies that address macro, meso and micro level drivers of exclusion are needed to achieve the aspirations of SDG 10. Involving affected communities is key to their success.</summary>
    <dc:date>2020-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
  </entry>
</feed>

