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    <title>EconStor Collection: DIIS Reports, Danish Institute for International Studies</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10419/59811</link>
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      <title>The marshal's baton: There is no bomb, there was no bomb, they were not looking for a bomb</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10419/59872</link>
      <description>Title: The marshal's baton: There is no bomb, there was no bomb, they were not looking for a bomb
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Authors: Christensen, Svend Aage
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Abstract: In a letter dated 6 January 2009, the Danish foreign minister, Per Stig Møller, asked DIIS to draw up a report based on the documentary evidence concerning the 1968 crash of a B-52 bomber on the sea ice a few miles from Thule Air Base in Northwestern Greenland. The B-52 had four hydrogen bombs on board. For more than four decades, the official American and Danish explanations have consistently stated that all four nuclear weapons were destroyed in the accident. The foreign minister's initiative was caused by a debate in the Parliament (Folketing) over some programmes and articles carried by the BBC on November 10 and 11, 2008. When DIIS received the Foreign Minister's request for an investigation into the Thule accident, the Director asked senior researcher Svend Aage Christensen, coordinator of a major research effort in 1996-97 on 'Greenland During the Cold War: Danish and American Security Policy 1945-68' to investigate the matter. The result of the investigation is presented in this report.</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 29 Oct 2008 22:58:59 GMT</pubDate>
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    <item>
      <title>The Somali conflict: The role of external actors</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10419/59871</link>
      <description>Title: The Somali conflict: The role of external actors
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Authors: Møller, Bjørn
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Abstract: Somalia has been without a functioning state ever since 1991, when the former dictator, Siyad Barre, was overthrown. None of the competing factions were strong enough to take his place as ruler of the country, producing first chaos, but gradually a form of stateless order. The international interventions have ever since the failed, and counter-productive intervention by the United Nations and the United States in the early 1990 exacerbated rather than mitigated the problems, let alone solved them. This was especially the case for the Ethiopian invasion (December 2006-January 2009), which produced utter chaos and a severe humanitarian crisis. Since the withdrawal of the Ethiopian forces, Islamist extremist militias have been establishing control of Somalia, and they may or may not be able to maintain this control. If they pursue their radical programme of Islamisation, their reign is likely to be short, but if they moderate themselves they may retain control.</description>
      <pubDate>Wed, 29 Oct 2008 22:58:59 GMT</pubDate>
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      <title>Victim and rebel: Al-Qaida's salafist rhetoric and the pitfalls of anti-terrorism</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10419/59870</link>
      <description>Title: Victim and rebel: Al-Qaida's salafist rhetoric and the pitfalls of anti-terrorism
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Authors: Erslev Andersen, Lars
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Abstract: Following the July 2005 London terrorist attacks the focus of anti-terrorism efforts has moved towards radicalisation within European societies and away from the conflicts in the Middle East and South Asia. This report argues that this shift in focus is based on a misconstrual of al-Qaida as it mistakes effect for cause. Based on an examination of the communication strategy of al-Qaida and the political rhetoric of Salafism the need for an analysis of militant Salafism in its political and societal context is demonstrated. The radicalisation theory is criticised and it is argued that the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as the increased focus on efforts to counter radicalisation within European societies more or less have failed because al-Qaida has been able to exploit this strategy and reorganise itself around an operational centre in Pakistan. The report concludes that only politically viable solutions in South Asia and the Middle East can effectively suppress al-Qaida and militant Salafism.</description>
      <pubDate>Thu, 29 Oct 2009 22:58:59 GMT</pubDate>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The World Bank and the emerging world order: Adjusting to multipolarity at the second decimal point</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10419/59869</link>
      <description>Title: The World Bank and the emerging world order: Adjusting to multipolarity at the second decimal point
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Authors: Vestergaard, Jakob
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Abstract: The report provides a brief overview of the World Bank’s key governance arrangements and the evolution of the voice reform agenda at the bank from 2003 to 2007. It further examines two bank reform phases (in 2008 and 2010), and critically assesses the key components of the voice reform process (or voting power realignment), and identifies some problems that will arise as a result, especially with respect to future shareholding reviews.</description>
      <pubDate>Fri, 29 Oct 2010 22:58:59 GMT</pubDate>
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