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    <title>EconStor Community: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies, Hamburg</title>
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      <title>The impact of fuel ownership on intrastate violence</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10419/74485</link>
      <description>Title: The impact of fuel ownership on intrastate violence
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Authors: Wegenast, Tim
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Abstract: The impact of natural resources on intrastate violence has been increasingly analyzed in the peace and conflict literature. Surprisingly, little quantitative evidence has been gathered on the effects of the resource-ownership structure on internal violence. This paper uses a novel dataset on oil and natural gas property rights covering 40 countries during the period 1989-2010. The results of regression analyses employing logit models reveal that the curvilinear effect between hydrocarbon production and civil conflict onset - often found in previous studies - only applies to countries in which oil and gas production is mainly state controlled. The findings suggest that only state-owned hydrocarbons may entail peacebuying mechanisms such as specific clientelistic practices, patronage networks, welfare policies, and/or coercion. At the same time, it seems that greed and grievance are more pronounced whenever resources lie in the hands of the state. Exploring the within-country variation, further analyses reveal that divergent welfare spending patterns are likely to be one causal channel driving the relationship between resource ownership and internal violence.</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 29 Oct 2012 22:58:59 GMT</pubDate>
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    <item>
      <title>Convergence, divergence and a complex interplay: Chile and the international and transnational anti-corruption campaign</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10419/74484</link>
      <description>Title: Convergence, divergence and a complex interplay: Chile and the international and transnational anti-corruption campaign
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Authors: Gephart, Malte
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Abstract: Several anthropological scholars have argued from an ethnographic viewpoint that local understandings of corruption vary around the world. Others who have critically analyzed the international and transnational anti-corruption campaign (ITACC) have argued that the ITACC is capable of covering up these differences, which creates misunderstandings about the aims in the fight against corruption. This article combines and advances both arguments by applying a post-development perspective and argumentative discourse analysis (ADA) to explore the local anti-corruption discourse in Chile - a country that is considered a success case in Latin America. This exploration shows that Chile's anti-corruption activities are highly political and are deeply related to narratives in the country's transition to democracy. By relating local narratives back to the ITACC the article reveals a complex interplay between local (and competing) corruption narratives that, at the same time, partially form discourse coalitions with the ITACC.</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 29 Oct 2012 22:58:59 GMT</pubDate>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The impact of fuel ownership on intrastate violence</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10419/74485</link>
      <description>Title: The impact of fuel ownership on intrastate violence
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Authors: Wegenast, Tim
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Abstract: The impact of natural resources on intrastate violence has been increasingly analyzed in the peace and conflict literature. Surprisingly, little quantitative evidence has been gathered on the effects of the resource-ownership structure on internal violence. This paper uses a novel dataset on oil and natural gas property rights covering 40 countries during the period 1989-2010. The results of regression analyses employing logit models reveal that the curvilinear effect between hydrocarbon production and civil conflict onset - often found in previous studies - only applies to countries in which oil and gas production is mainly state controlled. The findings suggest that only state-owned hydrocarbons may entail peacebuying mechanisms such as specific clientelistic practices, patronage networks, welfare policies, and/or coercion. At the same time, it seems that greed and grievance are more pronounced whenever resources lie in the hands of the state. Exploring the within-country variation, further analyses reveal that divergent welfare spending patterns are likely to be one causal channel driving the relationship between resource ownership and internal violence.</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 29 Oct 2012 22:58:59 GMT</pubDate>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>Convergence, divergence and a complex interplay: Chile and the international and transnational anti-corruption campaign</title>
      <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10419/74484</link>
      <description>Title: Convergence, divergence and a complex interplay: Chile and the international and transnational anti-corruption campaign
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Authors: Gephart, Malte
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Abstract: Several anthropological scholars have argued from an ethnographic viewpoint that local understandings of corruption vary around the world. Others who have critically analyzed the international and transnational anti-corruption campaign (ITACC) have argued that the ITACC is capable of covering up these differences, which creates misunderstandings about the aims in the fight against corruption. This article combines and advances both arguments by applying a post-development perspective and argumentative discourse analysis (ADA) to explore the local anti-corruption discourse in Chile - a country that is considered a success case in Latin America. This exploration shows that Chile's anti-corruption activities are highly political and are deeply related to narratives in the country's transition to democracy. By relating local narratives back to the ITACC the article reveals a complex interplay between local (and competing) corruption narratives that, at the same time, partially form discourse coalitions with the ITACC.</description>
      <pubDate>Mon, 29 Oct 2012 22:58:59 GMT</pubDate>
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