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  <item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/10419/68993">
    <title>Child poverty and family transfers in Southern Europe</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10419/68993</link>
    <description>Title: Child poverty and family transfers in Southern Europe
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Authors: Matsaganis, Manos; O’Donoghue, Cathal; Levy, Horacio; Coromaldi, Manuela; Mercader-Prats, Magda; Rodrigues, Carlos Farinha; Toso, Stefano; Tsakloglou, Panos
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Abstract: The drive to reduce child poverty is of particular interest in southern Europe, where the subsidiary role of the State in matters of family policy has implied that programmes of public assistance to poor families with children are often meagre or not available at all. The paper examines the effect of family transfers (used broadly to include contributory family allowances, non-contributory child benefits and tax credits or allowances) on child poverty in Greece, Italy, Spain and Portugal. Using the European microsimulation model EUROMOD, the paper first assesses the distributional impact of existing family transfers and finds it is weak. The scope for policy reforms is then explored. By way of illustration, universal child benefit schemes similar to those in Britain, Denmark and Sweden are simulated. The impact of such schemes on child poverty is shown to be considerable, but their fiscal cost correspondingly substantial. The paper concludes with a discussion of key findings and policy implications.</description>
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  <item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/10419/68994">
    <title>The impact of tax and transfer systems on children in the European Union</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10419/68994</link>
    <description>Title: The impact of tax and transfer systems on children in the European Union
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Authors: Corak, Miles Raymond; Lietz, Christine; Sutherland, Holly
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Abstract: The objective of this paper is to analyse the impact of fiscal policy on the economic resources available to children, and on the child poverty rate. A static microsimulation model specifically designed for the purposes of comparative fiscal analysis in the European Union, EUROMOD, is used to study the age incidence of government taxes and transfers in 2001 in 15 EU countries. Three related questions are addressed. First, what priorities are currently embodied in government budgets across age groups, and in particular to what degree do cash transfer and tax systems benefit children relative to older groups? We find that in most countries children receive a higher proportion of their share of household income from government transfers than young and middle-aged adults, but this is not universally the case. Low income children receive 60 per cent to 80 per cent of their income from transfers in all countries with child poverty rates lower than 10 pr cent. But the proportion is much lower, 20 per cent to 30 per cent, in countries with higher child poverty rates. Further, in many high child poverty countries the low income population in their 50s receive a higher proportion of household disposable income from state transfers than those younger than 18. These results are based on the broadest possible measure of public resources for children, one influenced not only by government budgets but also by the number of coresident adults, transfer payments directed to them, and their labour market behaviour. For this reason we also examine only those payments from the state depending on the presence of children, and ask: what fraction of the needs of children is supported by elements of the tax and transfer systems directed explicitly to them? There is considerable cross-country variation in the fraction of the additional household needs arising from having children which is supported through government transfers. It is higher than 30 per cent in 10 out of the 15 countries we study, but in the neighbourhood of 20 per cent in others, and in some cases close to only 10 per cent. We also find that tax concessions are an important component in many countries and cannot be ignored in measuring public resources for children. Our third set of findings has to do with the relationship between the measures of public resources we calculate and child poverty: what impact do measures of public resources for children have on child poverty rates? We find that poverty rates would be much higher in all countries if there were no child contingent transfers being made. But countries with the lowest poverty rates are those in which children benefit a good deal from other transfers not necessarily directed to them. In some cases this is because of public support to working mothers and fathers, in others because of intra-household transfers from co-resident adults. In another set of countries with low poverty rates child contingent payments make a large contribution to child poverty reduction. These countries mainly make use of universal benefits and tax concessions. Though their systems are not particularly targeted on low income children they nevertheless perform well in protecting children from poverty. This is in contrast with countries targeting income to children in poverty, where levels of spending may be comparable but child poverty rates are higher.</description>
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  <item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/10419/68992">
    <title>Sharing resources within the household: A multi-country microsimulation analysis of the determinants of intrahousehold strategic weight differentials and their distributional outcomes</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10419/68992</link>
    <description>Title: Sharing resources within the household: A multi-country microsimulation analysis of the determinants of intrahousehold strategic weight differentials and their distributional outcomes
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Authors: Orsini, Kristian; Spadaro, Amedeo
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Abstract: Equal intra-household sharing is still assumed by the vaste majority of applied analyses in welfare economics. Few pieces of work have tried to depart from the equal sharing hypothesis, but their impact has been limited by lack of data or restricted application to special cases. This paper proposes a new framework to derive sharing rules based on individual bargaining power. The latter is deÖned for each household member as the share of resources gained by the household due to his/her presence. The causes of power di§erentials and their impact on income distribution are analysed in four EU countries presenting signiÖcantly di§erent tax-beneÖt systems: Finland, Italy, Germany and the United Kingdom.</description>
  </item>
  <item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/10419/68991">
    <title>Beans for breakfast? How exportable is the British workfare model?</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10419/68991</link>
    <description>Title: Beans for breakfast? How exportable is the British workfare model?
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Authors: Bargain, Olivier; Orsini, Kristian
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Abstract: Social assistance and inactivity traps have long been considered as one of the main causes of the poor employment performance of EU countries. The success of New Labour in the UK has triggered a growing interests in instruments capable of combining the promotion of responsibility and self-sufficiency with solidarity with less skilled workers. Making-work-pay (MWP) policies, consisting of transfers to households with low earning capacity, have quickly emerged as the most politically acceptable instruments in tax-benefit reforms of many Anglo-Saxon countries. This chapter explores the impact of introducing the British Working Families’ Tax Credit (WFTC) in three EU countries with rather different labor market and welfare institutions: Finland, France and Germany. Simulating the reform reveals that, while first-round effects on income distribution is considerable, the interaction of the new instrument with the structural characteristics of the economy and the population may lead to counterproductive second round effects (i.e. changes in economic behavior). The implementation of the reform, in this case, could only be justified if the social inclusion (i.e. transition into activity) of some specific household types (singles and single mothers) is valued more than a rise in the employment per se.</description>
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