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    <title>EconStor Collection: Discussion Papers, Abteilung Migration, Integration, Transnationalisierung, WZB</title>
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    <title>Bystander responses and xenophobic mobilization</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10419/68460</link>
    <description>Title: Bystander responses and xenophobic mobilization
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Authors: Braun, Robert; Koopmans, Ruud
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Abstract: Students of social movements have long struggled with the question how relatively abstract political opportunities, such as elite divisions, affect unorganized activists without much knowledge of politics. We argue that the relationship between institutional opportunities and decisions to mobilize may take the form of trickle-down politics. In this view activists are affected by political opportunities indirectly through the changes that political developments bring about in the immediate social setting in which they protest. The overall political climate determines the distance between general public opinion and activists' view on society. The smaller this distance the more likely it becomes that activists receive positive feedback from their immediate environment, which in turn results in further mobilization. In particular, we investigate how extreme right activists are influenced by bystander responses that are evoked by the wider political context. Time-series analysis and event history models indeed indicate that spatiotemporal fluctuations in political opportunities and public sentiments are translated into mobilization after activists receive feedback from local bystanders. This suggests that bystander responses, a research topic that has only received scant scholarly attention, play a crucial role in linking political opportunities to mobilization.</description>
  </item>
  <item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/10419/68460">
    <title>Bystander responses and xenophobic mobilization</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10419/68460</link>
    <description>Title: Bystander responses and xenophobic mobilization
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Authors: Braun, Robert; Koopmans, Ruud
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Abstract: Students of social movements have long struggled with the question how relatively abstract political opportunities, such as elite divisions, affect unorganized activists without much knowledge of politics. We argue that the relationship between institutional opportunities and decisions to mobilize may take the form of trickle-down politics. In this view activists are affected by political opportunities indirectly through the changes that political developments bring about in the immediate social setting in which they protest. The overall political climate determines the distance between general public opinion and activists' view on society. The smaller this distance the more likely it becomes that activists receive positive feedback from their immediate environment, which in turn results in further mobilization. In particular, we investigate how extreme right activists are influenced by bystander responses that are evoked by the wider political context. Time-series analysis and event history models indeed indicate that spatiotemporal fluctuations in political opportunities and public sentiments are translated into mobilization after activists receive feedback from local bystanders. This suggests that bystander responses, a research topic that has only received scant scholarly attention, play a crucial role in linking political opportunities to mobilization.</description>
  </item>
  <item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/10419/57767">
    <title>The Ethnic Diversity and Collective Action Survey (EDCAS): Technical report</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10419/57767</link>
    <description>Title: The Ethnic Diversity and Collective Action Survey (EDCAS): Technical report
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Authors: Schaeffer, Merlin; Koopmans, Ruud; Veit, Susanne; Wagner, Mareike; Wiedner, Jonas
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Abstract: The EDCA-Survey is a large scale CATI telephone survey conducted in three countries: Germany, France and the Netherlands. The survey was designed to test theoretical arguments on the effects of ethnic diversity on social capital and civic engagement. This aim demands for a sophisticated design. The survey is not representative for the entire populations of Germany, France or the Netherlands. Instead, the basic population is the population over the age of 18 in 74 selected regions in Germany, France and the Netherlands that have sufficient language skills to conduct an interview in the language of their country of residence, or in the case of the oversample of people with Turkish migration background to conduct the interview in Turkish. The aim of the survey is to enable the comparison of these 74 regions, which vary on contextual characteristics of interest. In addition, the EDCA-Survey includes one oversample of migrants in general (24%) and an additional second oversample of Turkish migrants in particular (14%). The oversampling is the same within each of the 74 regions, each of which has about 100 observations and seven specially chosen cities even 500. This survey design is an important characteristic of the EDCA-Survey and distinguishes it from other available data. This is important since one aim of the EDCA-Survey is to enable the aggregation of contextual characteristics from the survey itself. Overall, 10.200 completed interviews were conducted - 7500 in Germany, 1400 in France and 1300 in the Netherlands.</description>
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  <item rdf:about="http://hdl.handle.net/10419/57766">
    <title>Geschlechterunterschiede in islamischer Religiosität und Geschlechterrollenwerten: Ein Vergleich der Zusammenhänge am Beispiel der türkischen und marokkanischen zweiten Generation in Belgien</title>
    <link>http://hdl.handle.net/10419/57766</link>
    <description>Title: Geschlechterunterschiede in islamischer Religiosität und Geschlechterrollenwerten: Ein Vergleich der Zusammenhänge am Beispiel der türkischen und marokkanischen zweiten Generation in Belgien
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Authors: Scheible, Jana Anne; Fleischmann, Fenella
&lt;br/&gt;
&lt;br/&gt;Abstract: In Anlehnung an die Debatte über den Einfluss von (islamischer) Religiosität auf Geschlechterrollenwerte, untersucht dieser Beitrag den Zusammenhang zwischen Religiosität und Geschlechterrollenwerten bei Männern und Frauen der türkischen und marokkanischen zweiten Generation in Belgien. Dazu wurde zunächst ein theoretisches Modell islamischer Religiosität entwickelt, welches aus den Elementen religiöse Identifikation, (teilweise geschlechtsspezifische) religiöse Praktiken und orthodoxer Glaube besteht. Anhand von Umfragedaten des belgischen TIES-Projekts (The Integration of the European Second generation) wurde dieses theoretische Modell auf die äquivalente Gültigkeit für Männer und Frauen sowie für zwei ethnische Gruppen, Belgier türkischer und marokkanischer Herkunft, getestet. Im nächsten Schritt wurde der Zusammenhang zwischen islamischer Religiosität und Geschlechterrollenwerten untersucht und im Hinblick auf Geschlechterunterschiede analysiert. Unter Berücksichtigung einer Anzahl von Kontrollvariablen (Alter, Bildung, Erwerbstätigkeit, Partnerschaft und religiöse Erziehung) ergaben die Analysen keine nennenswerten ethnischen Unterschiede. Interessanter jedoch, zeigte sich nur ein schwacher negativer Zusammenhang zwischen islamischer Religiosität und egalitären Geschlechterrollenwerten; dieser Zusammenhang war für Männer etwas stärker als für Frauen. Die Befunde widersprechen somit der These, dass stärker ausgeprägte islamische Religiosität unweigerlich mit traditionelleren und weniger egalitären Geschlechterrollenwerten einhergeht. Ebenso belegen die Ergebnisse, dass es für die Analyse islamischer Religiosität wichtig ist, Geschlechterunterschiede innerhalb muslimischer Minderheiten in Europa zu berücksichtigen.</description>
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